Key takeaways:

• The CROWN Act is legislation that protects students, workers, and housing applicants from race-based hair discrimination.
• 30 states have enacted some version of the CROWN Act, building momentum for a federal version to pass in Congress.
• Expansions of civil rights laws like the CROWN Act are more urgent than ever amid Trump administration attacks on nondiscrimination protections.

In an era of Trump administration attacks on nondiscrimination protections and diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives, workers and students need the guardrails included in the CROWN Act more than ever.

The CROWN Act stands for Creating a Respectful and Open World for Natural Hair. It expands existing civil rights law to prohibit race-based hair discrimination in schools, housing, and workplaces. Far from being solely focused on aesthetics, the CROWN Act protects against implicit bias and policing of Black and brown bodies. It codifies hair discrimination as racism and prohibits employers, public schools, and housing agencies from imposing whiteness as the uniform for success.

The CROWN Act is now law in 30 states

Pennsylvania and Rhode Island became the most recent states to pass the law in 2025, joining a growing list of states that have passed some form of the CROWN Act. Similar to the limited protections in Kentucky (which only provides public service and employee protections), Missouri also recently passed a limited version of the law that only applies to educational institutions—not workplaces or housing.

Figure A

Since the start of the second Trump administration, five states (Florida, Mississippi, Ohio, North Carolina, and South Carolina) have introduced at least one version of the CROWN Act.

Expanding CROWN Act legislation at the local level can be a significant incremental step toward expanding protections more broadly. In at least three of the states that introduced legislation, local CROWN laws have been adopted in cities including Charlotte, North Carolina, Columbus, Ohio, and Miami Beach, Florida. Such local policies have proven helpful in laying groundwork for passage of state laws elsewhere; for example, localities in Pennsylvania and Missouri passed CROWN Act laws years prior to these passing at the state level.

It’s time to pass the CROWN Act in Congress

Representative Watson Coleman (D-NJ) and Senator Cory Booker (D-NJ) introduced a federal version of the CROWN Act in the House and Senate last February. Neither bill has received a vote. With 60% of states already having passed the CROWN Act, the policy clearly has enough popular support to pass both chambers and become law.

A federal CROWN Act would provide consistent nationwide protection against hair discrimination for workers—especially Black women workers who have larger pay disparities and who are intersectionally impacted by a history of racist laws. Over 38.7% of Black women workers live in states where they are vulnerable to hair-based discrimination, based on the most recent 2024 data. That’s a slight improvement from the 44% of Black women workers who lacked protections in 2023, thanks to six more states—Kentucky, Missouri, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Vermont—recently passing some version of the CROWN Act.

Table 1

Although some states did not have large enough populations of Black women to be tracked in the data presented in Table 1, Black students and workers in states with smaller Black populations remain susceptible to discrimination. In South Dakota, for example, a student was told to cut their locks or leave school. Black students have shared similar stories in states across the country with varying Black population density.

Expansion of the CROWN Act must be coupled with strong enforcement

In an anti-DEI political climate, preventing hair-based discrimination must be coupled with addressing a growing crisis in federal and state nondiscrimination enforcement systems. Current threats to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s (EEOC) enforcement mission are eroding protections for Black and brown workers. The EEOC was established by the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (the same law that the CROWN Act would expand) and was designed to be an independent federal agency to protect workers and promote fairness and equity in employment. The EEOC’s role in reducing discrimination has helped to boost average income by $493 to $1,233 per person since 1960. Historically, the EEOC has been a key source of protection for Black and brown people and women: A third of all EEOC charges were related to race (29,338) or sex (26,941) last year.

1

Last year, the Trump-appointed chair of the EEOC hijacked the agency’s mission by actively soliciting complaints from white male workers and encouraging “DEI-related discrimination” claims of “reverse racism.” In addition to assigning a new chair, the Trump administration has weakened the EEOC by removing the ability to collect full pay data, limiting gender data collection, and removing commissioners—preventing a quorum and disrupting proceedings.

The Civil Rights Act itself and the protections that the EEOC was created to enforce are at risk. And some states are following the Trump administration’s lead by weakening state-level civil rights laws and enforcement systems. For example, in 2025, Iowa became the first state in history to strip nondiscrimination protection from a protected class when it removed gender identity from its state Civil Rights Act. In response, many cities and counties expanded their local civil rights ordinances to ensure protections against discrimination based on gender identity, but in 2026 the state went a step further and banned local governments from protecting any class not explicitly listed in state law. These recent legislative changes explicitly targeted trans people for discrimination, but will also have the broader effect of preempting local governments from adopting any expanded civil rights protections in the future, including local versions of the CROWN Act.

In the meantime, discrimination has not stopped and continues to have a measurable impact on Black, brown, and women workers—especially related to opportunities for securing a job and workplace advancement. New research finds that 59% of white adults hold anti-Black prejudice, contributing to a greater likelihood that Black applicants are rejected from jobs compared with their white counterparts. Women are paid 18.6% less than men. The disparity increases when considering race: Black women are paid 68.3% and Hispanic women are paid 64.5% of white men’s pay.

It is imperative to both expand protections like the CROWN Act at the local, state, and federal levels and strengthen state civil rights enforcement, while working toward eventual restoration of the EEOC’s capacity to carry out its mission to protect against discrimination in the workplace.

The Trump-Vance administration inherited a strong labor market with record employment and wage gains. But after a year of the administration’s economic mismanagement, workers are feeling more vulnerable to the softening labor market. While the president is busy touting the stock market’s performance, working people and families are expressing concerns about job security and affordability. This is evident in the Federal Reserve’s latest Survey of Household Economics and Decisionmaking (SHED), which shows an increase in the number of adults who worry about finding or keeping a job. More than 2 out of 5 adults reported concerns about finding or keeping a job in 2025, up from 37% in 2024.

The latest SHED survey also shows that the harm caused by the administration’s economic chaos has not affected all people equally. Structural inequities embedded in the U.S. economy and labor market have historically left communities of color disproportionately vulnerable to economic insecurity and poverty, and the Federal Reserve’s survey shows that this trend is continuing. While the overall financial well-being of most adults held steady in 2025, the financial well-being of Black adults declined. These individuals were also more likely to experience layoffs, leaving a higher share of Black adults and their families with increased fear of finding or keeping a job in 2025. The added employment uncertainty of Black adults also left them significantly more likely to report major concerns about making ends meet. The survey also shows that education largely failed to protect these individuals from the experience of increased economic fragility.

Black adults find themselves in the worst financial position in nearly a decade

In 2025, Black adults were most likely to report a decline in their financial standing. The share of Black adults “doing okay” or “living comfortably” declined by almost 5 percentage points last year to 60% (see Figure A). This is the lowest figure the Survey of Household Economic and Decisionmaking survey has recorded since 2015. The 2025 figure also reflects a steep decline from the high of 2023, when nearly 68% of Black adults answered questions about their financial well-being positively. We find that the bulk of the decline last year took place among the individuals who reported “living comfortably,” as this share declined from 23% in 2024 to 19.0%.

Figure A

Higher education largely failed to protect Black individuals from added financial insecurity under the Trump-Vance economy. While nearly all Black adults with varying levels of education experienced a deterioration of their financial position last year, the situation of adults with a college education worsened the most (see Figure B). The share of these individuals doing okay or living comfortably, for example, declined by nearly 7 percentage points last year.

Figure B Black adults were more likely to experience a sharp increase in layoffs last year

By summer 2025, job growth had slowed considerably, and Black workers were among the first to experience this slowdown with a rising rate of unemployment. The uneven impact of these debilitating forces last year comes across clearly in the Federal Reserve survey. The share of Black adults who reported experiencing a job loss increased by about 3 percentage points between 2024 and 2025 (see Figure C). This reflects the largest increase among all racial and ethnic groups. In fact, Black adults were more than twice as likely as their white, non-Hispanic peers to report layoffs last year. This reality aligns with the broader labor market position of Black workers, who experienced a steeper rise in their unemployment rate in 2025 and who remained about twice as likely as their white peers to be unemployed. 

Figure C

As the pace of job growth slowed and the unemployment rate rose in the first year of the Trump-Vance administration, people’s concern with finding or keeping a job increased. But this increased employment vulnerability and insecurity fell most heavily on Black individuals and their families (see Figure D). More than half of Black adults said that finding or keeping a job was either a minor or major concern for them or their families last year. This figure increased by nearly 10 percentage points between 2024 and 2025. In fact, Black adults of all education levels reported increased concerns about finding or keeping a job last year. 

Figure D Black adults and their families have grown increasingly more concerned about their economic security

The added employment vulnerability, combined with the impact of the ongoing affordability crisis, has also left more Black individuals and their families worried about their ability to make ends meet. More than 3 out of 4 (77.5%) Black adults reported that making ends meet was at least a minor concern for them and their families last year (see Figure E). This figure increased by about 8 percentage points between 2024 and 2025, leaving Black adults of all education levels more economically vulnerable last year. In contrast, the share of white, non-Hispanic adults who reported similar concerns declined marginally during the same period.

Figure E We cannot address the affordability crisis without dealing with its root causes

The Federal Reserve survey points to the relationship between employment, economic security, and well-being. The uneven impact of the weaker job market last year resulted in increased employment and economic uncertainty for Black adults and their families. The survey findings are a reminder that ongoing discussions about the affordability crisis shouldn’t ignore the role of employment, wages and income. Affordability remains an outcome of a race between income and prices, and we know that the pace of job and wage growth is a policy choice. While there is no silver bullet, we know that a broad basket of policies is needed, including a higher wage floor, increased union density, and macroeconomic policies that reduce inequality.

This week, EPI will release a new tool showing the cost of mass deportations to taxpayers in every U.S. city, county, and state. For the first time, the actual economic tradeoffs imposed on all taxpayers will be shown in one place. Below, we preview the data for Minnesota, a prominent target of the Trump administration’s immigration enforcement crackdown earlier this year.

At a time when families across the country are struggling to afford housing, health care, and education, the Trump administration and its allies in Congress have been cutting support for basic needs and diverting huge sums of money to deportations.

In Minnesota, $4.4 billion in federal taxpayer dollars is being spent on detaining immigrants—many of whom are in the country lawfully—and even some U.S. citizens. That means, on average, every household in the state is paying roughly $2,000 to track down, intimidate, detain, or deport people.

If that money were spent instead on programs proven to improve the lives of working families—education, health care, living wages—it could improve Minnesota communities dramatically. Here are a few different ways the money could be spent over the remaining 2.5 years of the Trump administration:

• Schools across the state are being forced to cut staff and increase class size. With the money being spent on mass deportations, the state could hire 14,000 more full-time school teachers. This would mean, for example:
  • 1,100 more teachers in Minneapolis
  • 340 more teachers in Minnetonka
  • 215 more teachers in Bloomington
  • 140 more teachers in Duluth
• With the cuts to the Affordable Care Act, over 140,000 people in Minnesota are projected to lose their health insurance. Due to cuts in Medicaid funding, hospitals are at risk of closing down in Austin, Staples, Mahnomen, Baudette, Little Falls, Hibbing, and Minneapolis. With the money being spent on deportations, we could keep 129,000 people on health insurance, which would also help keep hospitals open.
• Over 400,000 Minnesotans rely on food stamps, primarily working families with children and elderly people on fixed incomes. But because of cuts in the 2025 Republican tax and spending megabill (the OBBBA), 45,000 people across the state are at risk of being cut off. With the money being spent on deportations, Minnesota could protect food stamps for all hungry families in the state.
• Last year, over 600 Veterans Administration positions were cut in Minnesota. With the funds being diverted to deportations, we could reverse all these cuts and guarantee Minnesota veterans the care they deserve.
• Or, instead of restoring any of these services, every household in Minnesota could be given a $2,000 tax refund.

EPI and others have documented the economic harms of a draconian immigration policy and enforcement on immigrants and their families, as well as U.S.-born workers and the economy as a whole. Any of the alternatives listed above would be a better use of taxpayer dollars for improving the welfare of everyday Minnesotans. It is critical that we take into account the missed opportunities of funding a mass deportation regime, including the badly needed services being ignored or cut off to keep this policy funded and to keep immigrants living in fear.